Showing posts with label Department of Child Safety. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Department of Child Safety. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 17, 2026

Congratulations Phoenix: When it comes to tearing apart families in big cities, you’re still #1!

 

Bipartisanship in action! In Arizona both parties have failed the state's children

(This post is adapted from NCCPR’s press release to Arizona media.) 

NCCPR has updated its Big CityRate-of-Removal Index, comparing the propensity of America’s ten largest cities and their surrounding counties, to tear apart families. Once again, the champion for big-city family destruction, metropolitan Phoenix, Arizona. 

Children are at greater risk of being torn from everyone they know and love and consigned to the chaos of foster care in Phoenix than in any other of America’s largest cities. It’s a long, ugly tradition. 

Year after year, the Department of Child Safety, Arizona’s family police agency (a more accurate term than ‘child welfare’ agency), cuts a swath of destruction through poor families in Phoenix at a vastly higher rate than any other such agency does in any other of America’s ten largest cities and their surrounding counties. 

And while it’s all done in the name of ‘child safety,’ of course, the DCS take-the-child-and-run mentality makes all children less safe. The mentality was revealed to the nation in 2020 when workers in a DCS office thought it would be a laugh riot to wear matching t-shirts emblazoned with the words ‘Professional Kidnapper.’ The workers were fired, but the data show the mentality remains. 

NCCPR’s Big City Rate-of-Removal Index compares the number of children thrown into foster care to the impoverished child population in America’s ten largest cities and their surrounding counties. Maricopa County (metropolitan Phoenix) is an extreme outlier. Children are taken from their parents in Maricopa County at a rate: 

● 50% percent higher than the second-worst region – Santa Clara County.

● More than 60% higher than the third worst, Los Angeles County.

● Nearly two-and-a-half times the national average for big cities.

● More than triple the rate of New York City.

● Nearly six times the rate of Chicago. 

There is no evidence that Phoenix is a cesspool of depravity with vastly more child abuse than any other big city in America. Rather, this is evidence of a take-the-child-and-run mentality, rooted in racial and class bias, that has plagued child welfare in Arizona for decades. 

The problem is compounded by Arizona’s overreliance on the worst, and most dangerous, form of care – group homes and institutions. Arizona institutionalizes 41% of children entering foster care, a rate more than two-and-a-half times the national average. 

You may be sure that DCS will respond to the facts about its abysmal performance with the Big Lie of American child welfare: the false claim that child removal equals child safety. 

But the Big Lie ignores:

● The mass of research showing that, in typical cases, not the horror stories, children left in their own homes typically fare better even than comparably-maltreated children thrown into foster care. That research includes a stunning recent study showing that, under these circumstances, by age 20, the foster children were more than four times more likely to die.

● The mass of research showing high rates of abuse in foster homes and even higher rates of abuse in group homes and institutions – all those news accounts about the horrors of Arizona group homes and institutions are not aberrations.

● The mass of research showing that poverty is routinely confused with neglect. The research is confirmed by data from Arizona, where, in 87% of cases in which children were thrown into foster care, there was not even an accusation of sexual abuse or any form of physical abuse. In fact, Arizona took away more children because of inadequate housing than for physical and sexual abuse combined. In 62% there was not even an accusation of any form of drug or alcohol abuse – not just no accusation of meth or fentanyl, no accusation of any drug or alcohol abuse of any kind.

All this does enormous harm to the children needlessly taken – and also to those who might be spared foster care but still face the enormous trauma of a child abuse investigation – which involves a traumatic interrogation and, sometimes, a stripsearch. Almost always, this trauma is inflicted as a result of a false report or a poverty case. Nationwide, more than half of all Black children will be forced to endure this trauma at some point in their childhoods. But Arizona is different. In Arizona, it’s two-thirds.

But these aren’t the only children harmed. All the time, money and effort wasted harming children in these cases is, in effect, stolen from finding the relatively few children in real danger. That’s almost always the real reason such children are overlooked, leading to the horror stories that, rightly, make headlines. That’s how the Arizona approach makes all children less safe.

Actions by Gov. Katie Hobbs have compounded the problems. These actions include:

● Giving a giant rate increase to a politically-connected group home operator.

● Giving a giant pay raise to foster parents – and, in effect, making poor people pay for it.

Taking away support for the least harmful form of foster care, kinship foster care, in which children are placed with extended family.

But the governor’s political opponents have no cause to gloat. In a rare example of bipartisanship, governors and legislators from both parties have been failing Arizona’s vulnerable children for decades, something we documented in a report we released on Arizona child welfare in 2007.

It doesn’t have to be that way. In other states, lawmakers and state leaders have worked across party lines to curb needless removal and make all children safer. In Texas, for example, with strong bipartisan support, lawmakers raised the threshold for coercive intervention into families. In New York and New Jersey, governments bolstered high-quality legal defense for families – not to get “bad parents” off but to craft alternatives to the cookie-cutter ‘service plans’ churned out by agencies like DCS. For more solutions, see NCCPR’s Due Process Agenda and for more examples of strong legislation see the NCCPR Good Bill Bank. Together, these bills and other solutions create a true blueprint for child safety.

They represent ways Arizona could turn its system around and make all children safer. All it needs is the will to finally renounce the take-the-child-and-run mentality that has made all of the state’s children less safe.

Wednesday, November 19, 2025

Arizona’s great big rate increase for a group home provider: State officials deny it was pay-for-play; but their own explanation is nearly as bad.

Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs

Shortly after taking office as Governor of Arizona, Katie Hobbs announced what could have been a breakthrough: She named a real reformer, Matthew Stewart, to run the state family police agency, the Department of Child Safety. For the first time in decades, the agency would have a leader who understood that the root of Arizona’s child welfare problems was the fact that it tears apart families at a rate well above the national average. That’s compounded by Arizona’s obsession with institutionalizing the children it takes. 

  National Average       Arizona
                  Source: U.S. Deparrtment of Health and Human Services AFCARS Dashboard               

Indeed, the culture of child removal runs so deep that workers in one office thought they would get away with wearing t-shirts that said: “Professional Kidnapper. 

Right after the governor named Stewart, I wrote a column for the Arizona Republic praising her decision. “Stewart will need ongoing support from the governor,” I wrote. “It looks like he’s going to get it.” 

Boy, did I ever get that wrong! Just weeks after he was nominated, while on the job but still awaiting a confirmation vote from the State Senate, Hobbs withdrew the nomination and replaced him with David Lujan. 

It’s never been clear why. But one possible explanation has emerged, thanks to some great investigative reporting by the Republic. 

The story recounts this chain of events: 

● Sunshine Residential, an Arizona for-profit operator of group homes, run by Simon Kottoor, donates $300,000 to Hobbs’ campaign and another $100,000 to her inaugural – the latter in response to a personal request from Hobbs herself.

● Sunshine Residential asks for a 30% rate increase. They threaten to refuse children from DCS, claiming they got a better offer from the federal government to house migrant children. Three other providers also seek increases.

● Matthew Stewart says no.

● Stuart is replaced by David Lujan.

● Lujan says yes – to Sunshine Residential.

From the story: 

“We are weak, no leadership, perfect time to get what they want,” Alex Ong, then the head of contracts and procurement at DCS, wrote about the requests from group homes. He wrote to then-Deputy Director Robert Navarro in late January 2023 that it wasn’t the time to approve higher rates. 

“I agree...But when simon gives money to the gov...it can make magic happen,” Navarro responded. 

Later, the Republic reports 

Ong would make an eyebrow-raising comment in May 2023. 

"We gotta pay to play now," he wrote. 

DCS spokesman Darren DaRonco said that comment was not related to group homes but made during a conversation about contracts for supervised visitation in DCS cases. 

Lujan says contributions had nothing to do with the rate increase.  But his own explanation isn’t much better. He says DCS needed the beds that Kottoor was threatening to take away. 

Lujan said Sunshine Residential is one of Arizona’s better group home providers.  As the story explains:

Their work was well-regarded by DCS officials, though the company has also faced scrutiny and is named in an ongoing lawsuit over the death of a 9-year-old boy. The boy, Jakob Blodgett, was allowed to refuse diabetes medication before his death. Earlier this year, pregnant 16-year-old Zariah Finley Dodd was murdered shortly after leaving her placement at a group home run by Sunshine Residential. 

And, using the sleazy argument agencies always use to institutionalize children, Lujan said Sunshine Residential's beds were needed to keep siblings together.

In fact, DCS doesn’t need those beds – from Sunshine Residential or anyone else. Rather, DCS still takes away children at a rate well above the national average, even when rates of family poverty are factored in. Children are more likely, by far, to be torn from their parents in Phoenix than any other of America’s ten largest cities and their surrounding counties when rates of child poverty are factored in. 

And no, that’s not because Arizona is a cesspool of depravity with vastly more child abuse.  

Of all the children torn from their families and thrown into foster care in Arizona in 2024, 89% did not involve even an allegation of physical or sexual abuse. In 59% of cases, there was not involve even an allegation of any form of drug abuse.  Far more common are cases in which family poverty is confused with “neglect.” 

But even more damning than the high rate of needless removal is where the children end up. DCS is obsessed with stashing away the children it takes in so-called “congregate care” – group homes and institutions.  Nationwide, on average, 15% of children taken in 2024 were placed in such settings. In Arizona, it was 41%! 

Stop doing that, and there will be plenty of room in family foster homes for the children who really need them - including sibling groups.

Perhaps Matthew Stewart understood that was the real problem. And perhaps that’s why his tenure was so brief. 

Monday, April 22, 2024

NCCPR in the Arizona Capitol Times: DCS is on probation; here’s how to fix it

The Arizona Legislature has, in effect, put the Department of Child Safety on probation, allowing it to continue to function for another four years instead of the customary eight  The decision is a healthy recognition that DCS, both in its current form and when it was a division of the Department of Economic Security, often does enormous harm to the children it is meant to help. 

But recognition is just step one. Lawmakers need to understand what created this mess and how to fix it.  The root of the problem is a fanatical drive to tear apart families that has plagued the state for decades. … 

Read the full column in the Arizona Capitol Times

Wednesday, March 1, 2023

Children abandoned in the OTHER Arizona desert

A news desert makes it easy for an extremist lawmaker to pressure a governor into firing the first Black director of the state “child welfare” agency – less than two months after appointing him. 


MARCH 3: See also the update here.

Shortly after taking office, the new Governor of Arizona, Democrat Katie Hobbs, named a reformer to run the state “child welfare” agency.  Matthew Stewart would be the first Black leader of the Department of Child Safety (DCS).  Arizona is a state which has one of the worst records f in America for racial bias in child welfare, a state where some caseworkers thought it was funny to wear t-shirts emblazoned with the words “Professional kidnapper.” 

Hobbs, a social worker herself, knew exactly what she was getting when she chose Stewart.  But she fired Stewart after less than two months.  She fired him before he could even get a confirmation hearing – because of a smear campaign led by Republican State Sen. Jake Hoffman, who chairs the committee that would have held the hearing.  Hoffman doesn’t even accept the legitimacy of Hobbs’ election.  He’s been banned from some social media spaces for running a “troll farm.”  

But this is more than a failure of one governor – it’s an example of how a state can become a “news desert” even when, technically, the news organizations haven’t shut down. 

None of the facts about what really happened to Stewart was uncovered by an Arizona news organization.  On the contrary, they simply cut-and-pasted Hoffman’s claims.  They did this even though they knew or should have known all about the troll farming (something the Arizona Republic reported in 2020) and the election denying.  The Republic quoted exhaustively from Hoffman’s press release gloating about his triumph. (I can’t link to it due to their paywall.)  A breathless “breaking news” story from KPNX-TV could have been scripted by Hoffman. 

At a minimum, local news organizations could have reminded readers of Hoffman’s own track record.  For example, Hoffman implied that, during his brief tenure, Stewart fired employees because they were gay.  It might have helped readers weigh the credibility of the claim had they been told that Hoffman 

is leading a group of conservatives who plan to sue Hobbs for issuing an executive order guaranteeing equal employment opportunities for LGBTQ people working at state agencies. He also wrote a bill that would have banned books from schools that depict “acts” of “homosexuality.” 

That’s a quote from a news organization, but not one based in Arizona.  It’s from ProPublica, which told the full story that Arizona media missed.  

Yes, ProPublica had an advantage.  Reporter Eli Hager had met Matthew Stewart well before he was appointed, while doing an outstanding series of stories on the failings of family policing across the country.  In the only Arizona news account I’ve found that mentions even asking Stewart for comment, the one in the Republic, he declined.  But Hager didn’t just talk to Stewart.  He found plenty of employees within DCS who vouched for him and debunked the allegations.  Nothing published so far indicates that any Arizona news organization even tried. 

That is not a function of malice or bias – it’s a function of the evisceration of local news. Between 2008 and 2020, the number of Newspaper newsroom employees plummeted by 57% - and there’s no end to the decline in sight.  A few years ago both the Arizona Republic and the Arizona Daily Star received grants to do in-depth reporting on child welfare.  Both did some very good work.  But the grants have run out, and so has any serious reporting. 

But how much would it have taken to at least put Hoffman’s smears into context?  A paragraph or two, from earlier news stories, such as the one from the Republic, would have helped.  And you still can reprint the ProPublica story at no charge.

If lawmakers are going to run troll factories, the least local media can do is not help them spread the trolling.  Because a news desert is a dangerous place to leave children.

Monday, August 3, 2020

NCCPR in the Arizona Republic: Arizona DCS has a bigger problem than those who wore 'professional kidnapper' shirts

Arizona removes far too many kids from their homes, causing trauma without gains in safety. Why are we surprised that fired workers bragged about it?

In a courthouse far from Arizona, a 7-year-old girl, still traumatized from being taken from her family and placed in foster care, turns to her lawyer and asks: "Can I have that quarter? I am saving all the change I find on the ground and keeping it with me. If they ever kidnap me and my brothers again, I can take a cab back home to mommy."

I thought of that little girl when I read Mary Jo Pitzl’s story about the state Department of Child Services caseworkers in Prescott who apparently were fired for wearing T-shirts emblazoned with the words “Professional Kidnappers.”

Clearly, that little girl understands the child welfare system better than most of the professionals who work in it.

The caseworkers were not really fired for their sentiments or for acting on them. They were fired because they were dumb enough to literally wear those sentiments on their sleeves. We know this because the numbers from Prescott and across Arizona back up their bragging.

Read the full column here.

Monday, November 11, 2019

“Child welfare” in Arizona: The parent punishment system in action

Studies have found abuse in at least one-quarter to one-third of foster homes. The record of group homes is worse.  So when Arizona’s so-called “Department of Child Safety” needlessly tore four little girls from their father and threw them into separate group homes, they should have known what was likely to happen.


Suppose, hypothetically, a child protective services agency said this:

            You spanked your ten-year-old boy too hard.  We have to punish you for this. So to punish you we’re going to arrange to have two of your daughters sexually abused. That’ll teach you a lesson!

            Absurd, right?  No one could possibly be so cruel – and so shortsighted.  But while the part about the child protective services agency arranging the sexual abuse on purpose is entirely made up, everything else really happened.  And while of course no child protective services agency would try to do this to a child on purpose, the caseworkers should have known that the odds were better than 50/50 that something like this would happen.

            Here’s the actual story, as told by the Arizona Republic in the first installment of a series following five families over two years.  In addition to the print stories, these families are the subject of a documentary that premiered in Arizona on Nov. 11.  The Republic included this except about the case of Stephan McCray and his children.

             McCray’s then ten-year-old son was misbehaving in school; he threw something at another student.  “That’s behavior I won’t tolerate,” McCray says.  So McCray spanked him.  The police and the Arizona agency that goes by the Orwellian name “Department of Child Safety” alleged that McCray left "numerous marks across [the child’s] back and left arm." McCray says the investigators “mistook scars from childhood scrapes as evidence of child abuse.”

Whichever is the case, had McCray been white and middle class, odds are he simply would have been sent off to “counseling” with a private therapist and that would have been the end of it.  But, of course, he is neither.  (He’s also a follower of the Nation of Islam, which, he says, further discomfited the white, middle-class caseworkers he dealt with.)

Though there was never any allegation that McCray abused or neglected his other four children, all of them were taken – possibly illegally.

            According to the story:

Four of [the children] shouldn’t have been taken from him, [McCray] says: Stephan Jr. was the only child listed in the court order, so why were all five removed?  But when he asks DCS, he says he’s told too bad, his attorney should have caught the error.
            .          
McCray also was charged criminally.

McCray’s own mother – a former foster parent – was ready and willing to take the children. But she was turned down - because she didn’t see her son exactly the way DCS did – as a danger to his children.

            What did DCS think was going to happen?  Did they think McCray would sneak into his mother’s home through an open window in the middle of the night to spank his kids?

          
  Instead, all of the children, their ages ranging from six to 10, were torn not only from their father but also from each other. Then they were institutionalized – consigned to the worst placements of all, group homes.  For months they were not even allowed to visit each other.  McCray says one of his daughters became so upset that the group home called police – for a child who couldn’t have been more than eight years old. The police took her to “a psych ward at a hospital.”

            And then, Stephan and his mother say, two of the young girls were sexually abused. 

High rates of abuse in foster care

            Multiple studies have found abuse in one-quarter to one-third of family foster homes. The record of group homes and institutions is even worse.  Thus, DCS had every reason to know that if they took five young children and placed them in five separate group homes, at least one of them was likely to be abused there.

            Nevertheless the “Department of Child Safety” took away four children who they never so much as alleged were abused in their own homes and placed them at enormously high risk of abuse.  And that, of course, is on top of all the emotional trauma inflicted on the children by being taken from their father, their extended family and each other.

            Ultimately, DCS decided it would be o.k. to place the children with their grandmother after all.  Then, two years after they were removed, the children were reunited with their father – much the worse for the experience.

For the "Department of Child Safety," it’s not really about child safety

            
            The agency name notwithstanding, “child safety” was never really the point.

            Critics of the system often say that it is not really a child protection system at all; it’s a parent punishment system.  The child welfare establishment denies this. So it was striking to find a 30-year veteran of that establishment actually admit as much, albeit accidentally. 

Karen Kline, a former caseworker who now runs child welfare initiatives for something called the Family Involvement Center.  In the story and the documentary, she pays the usual lip service to understanding the trauma of removal.  But when she is asked about allegations by McCray and his mother that the case was affected by racial bias, she replies:

Case managers get training in racial and cultural sensitivity, she says. But it's wrong to equate a punishment for spanking with racial bias, she says. [Emphasis added.]

            Kline is wrong. Punishing a parent for spanking might not be racial bias if all parents who spanked their children were treated the same way.  An overwhelming body of research tells us they are not.

            But more revealing is Kline’s apparent acknowledgment that the primary purpose here was to punish the parent.  That would help explain how easy it was for DCS to be blinded to all the harm the agency was doing to the children.         

Other typical blunders


The story reveals other examples of child welfare practices that are as typical as they are harmful to children.

            ● One of the strikes against McCray in the spanking case was the fact that he’d been in trouble with DCS before – for what was, in fact, a classic example of child welfare confusing poverty with neglect.  As the story explains:

Five years earlier, DCS checked out complaints of neglect against him after he left his younger children alone in his apartment while he ran to a school, less than a block away, to walk his daughter home from kindergarten.

For that the children were placed for two years in kinship foster care – with the same grandmother DCS later would say was unfit to be a caretaker.

● At one point, McCray was criticized for missing drug testing, something required because he was on probation due to the criminal charge.  But why were drug tests ever ordered in the first place?  There is nothing in the story suggesting McCray abused drugs.

            ● McCray pled guilty to the criminal charge – because, his lawyer said, if he fought it the case would drag on and on, foster care would be prolonged, and DCS then could turn around and use the very fact of the delay to move to terminate his parental rights.  But that means he has a criminal record – so it’s harder to get a job.

            ● At one point, he had a job but he lost it “due to the demands of court hearings, classes and meetings mandated by the state plan to reunify him with his kids.”  Then, not having a job itself became an obstacle to getting his children back.

            ● The final obstacle was housing – making the McCray children among the estimated 30 percent of foster children who were kept away from their families because of housing.  Ultimately, as McCray himself notes, DCS really did help with that – but it never should have been an issue at all.

            None of this agency behavior would make sense in a real child protection system. It makes perfect sense in a parent punishment system.

Monday, April 1, 2019

Child welfare in Arizona: When CPS sends in the “SWAT team” – literally


● Heavily-armed police breaking down the door is getting all the attention, but what happened afterwards is worse – because what happened afterwards happens all the time.

● The children were thrown into separate foster homes – and kept there, in part, because of an incident in which the father behaved like the executive editor of The New York Times.


UPDATE, MAY 15: At last, after the needless trauma of foster care - not to mention being taken from their parents at gunpoint - these children, who never should have been taken in the first place, have been ordered reunited with their parents.  But it was over the objections of the Arizona Department of Child Safety, which felt the parents still had not bowed, scraped, and jumped through hoops to their satisfaction. Unfortunately, the bowing scraping and jumping will have to continue, since DCS retains legal custody. The judge also effectively lifted what had amounted to a gag order. 

UPDATE. APRIL 22: Now the judge mentioned in the update below has let reporters back in - but effectively imposed a gag order on everyone. That shows you the Arizona Department of Child Safety knows how badly it screwed up in this case - and how desperate they are that people not find out about it.  The best way to fight such gag orders is to make them backfire - by spreading the word about what we already know about this case.

UPDATE, APRIL 15: Perhaps we all should have known this would happen. A lot of the excellent reporting on this story was made possible by the fact that the early court hearings were open to the press and the public.  But last week, a different judge kicked out the Arizona Republic reporter who has been writing about the case.  Details here.



OK, I admit it. If a parent emailed me and said a police SWAT team broke down their door and took away their three children – all because one child had a high fever and had not been vaccinated – I would have rolled my eyes and deleted the email.  So it’s a good thing that, when it really happened in Chandler, Arizona, it was caught on video by a security camera:

But though it’s the video that’s getting the case national attention, what happened after the police broke down the door is even worse.  That’s partly because, while sending in what certainly looks like an actual SWAT team is very rare, everything else done to the children in this case is standard operating procedure. 

It’s because of the standard operating procedure that even now, more than a month later, all three children remain trapped in foster care.  

For at least the first 18 days, two of the children had only one visit with their parents, the third had none. They also were separated from each other, leaving them nothing and no one comforting and familiar as they were placed with separate sets of strangers.  (Now, after pressure from the court, they are at least together with grandparents.)

The children’s suffering was exacerbated by a child protective services agency apparently out to wreak vengeance on the parents for daring to tell their story to the media – and that, too, is common.  But even without that extra bit of cruelty, the case reveals how children are harmed by the routine way the system functions in thousands of cases every year.

All of this is why it’s so important to study this case, which we can do thanks to excellent reporting by Dianna Nanez of the Arizona Republic, and because in Arizona court hearings in child welfare cases are open.  In this case the hearing stayed open despite the desperate efforts of Arizona’s Department of Child Safety (DCS) to close it.

The ugly incident


On February 25, Sarah Beck took her two-year-old to the doctor.

So let’s stop right here.  No one forced Ms. Beck to do this.  She saw that her child was sick and took him to the doctor, as any loving mother would do.  If she really wanted to neglect her son’s medical needs she’d have just stayed home.

OK, back to the story:

The child was lethargic and had a fever over 100 degrees – some news accounts say 105.  The child had not been vaccinated, which is legal in Arizona. (I’ll circle back to that element of the case at the end of this post.) 

Fearing the child might have meningitis, the doctor urged Beck to take the child to the hospital. But after they left the office, the child was laughing and playing with siblings. So Beck took her  son’s temperature again. It was down to 102.  Later that evening it was down to 100. 

Having shown the judgment to take him to the doctor when the fever was high, it’s not a stretch to think her judgment was reasonable when, the fever having done down, she did not take him to the hospital.

Ironically, one of the reasons Beck was afraid to go to the hospital was fear that, because they had not vaccinated their children, the parents would be turned in to DCS.  Another factor, the father told Phoenix television station KPNX: They couldn’t afford the cost of an unnecessary trip to the E.R.  (He also told that to the police in a phone call more than an hour before they kicked down the door.)

When the doctor found out that Beck had not taken the child to the hospital, she called DCS.  The DCS worker then contacted Chandler  police to go to the home and do a “welfare check” on the child. A caseworker also was on the way to the house.

Why call the cops?


OK, let’s stop again. Why call the police at all?  There was nothing to indicate the parents were dangerous or the caseworker’s life would be in danger.  Why not just send the caseworker?

Back to the story:

The police knock on the door. No one answers. A neighbor sees what’s going on and tells the police that Beck “is a good mother.” The police ask her to call the home.

Meanwhile, the caseworker has shown up.  The father, Brooks Bryce, calls the police back, even as the boy is sleeping in his arms. He declines to let the police in.

DCS gets a warrant to enter the home and remove the children. About an hour and 20 minutes after the phone call with Bryce, police knock and got no answer.  Bryce says the family didn’t hear the knock, because they were sleeping in the back bedrooms – “with their sick children.”  (The other children had illnesses that were not serious.)

And then, this happened:


The father came out of the house with his hands up, as instructed, Ms. Beck came out holding her son in her arms.  The son was taken away. So were the other two children.

The uglier aftermath


So now we get to the part that’s typical.

The three children, ages 6,4,and 2, are taken from their parents – and taken from each other - -each placed in a separate home with total strangers. Think of it as the Donald Trump Mexican border approach to child well-being.  For at least two-and-a-half weeks two of the children got to visit their parents only once; the toddler didn’t get to see them at all.

This is, by the way, the age when children are most likely to think that the removal was their fault, that they had done something terribly wrong and now they were being punished – a perception that, I suspect, is reinforced when heavily-armed police break down the front door, point guns and then take you away.

None of it was necessary.  Even if one assumes there was a need to check on the health of the children, once that was done, and any necessary medical treatment was provided, there was no reason to keep the children away from their parents for another minute.

But wait, you say, what if the parents “neglect” their children’s medical needs in the future?

Well, first of all, there’s no evidence they neglected the children’s medical needs in the first place.  It’s entirely reasonable not to take children to the E.R. if a fever spikes and then goes down again.  But even if one thinks what happened on Feb. 25 was neglect, a court simply could have ordered DCS to make random visits to the home (without an accompanying SWAT team) to find out.

The ultimate fishing expedition



But here’s the problem: Once an agency such as DCS enters your life it’s the ultimate fishing expedition.  If doesn’t matter if the original reason for breaking down the door was absurd. Once in the home, they can put everything the family does under a microscope. And since no family can come out 100% perfect under that kind of scrutiny, they’re bound to find something.

So let’s begin with this, from the Arizona Republic account of the court hearing:

The state's attorney argued that the children shouldn’t be returned to their parents yet because they’d been hostile to DCS workers and weren’t cooperating.

Imagine that!  After having heavily-armed police break down their door, and having children taken from their arms at gunpoint, the parents allegedly were “hostile to DCS workers…” 

I’d be more worried about the parents’ mental health if they weren’t hostile to DCS workers. 

As a sympathetic state legislator pointed out:

“It doesn’t say anywhere that after your kids are taken, after police bust down your door, that you have to be nice to DCS to get your kids back.”

Well no, not in writing. But it’s actually the First Unwritten Rule of child protective services all over America.  It even has a name, “the attitude test.”  (And it cuts both ways.  Adults who really have abused children and are “system wise” know that the best way to sucker a caseworker is to suck up to the caseworker.)

Now, back to DCS’ objections to reunification, as described by the Arizona Republic:

[The lawyer for the state] said the parents had attended a DCS visit with members of [a family advocacy organization, the] Arizona DCS Oversight Group who were combative toward DCS workers. He said the grandfather had tried to videotape a meeting with DCS, and recording is not allowed to protect the privacy of the children.

OK, let’s unpack this one. 

There is nothing wrong with bringing allies to a meeting. In a few, enlightened child protective services agencies, it’s even encouraged. As for the videotaping, as the parents’ attorneys pointed out:

The grandfather did what most people would think they had the right to do - record government officials.

And how, exactly is making such an attempt relevant to whether the children would be safe in their own home? 

But what really has DCS upset, of course, is that the parents spoke publicly about what DCS did to their children.  That’s why DCS asked that the court hearings in the case be closed. 

In most states, they wouldn’t even have to ask.  Fortunately, Arizona is different.  As the judge in this case, Jennifer Green, put it: “In Arizona, we like our courts to be open.”  As for the privacy excuse, the judge did the obvious: prohibited disclosure of information identifying the children, as is routine in states where these hearings are open.

Pile on the hoops and make the family jump


Another standard operating procedure: Pile on a cookie-cutter set of conditions parents must meet before their children get to live with them again, conditions unrelated to the actual accusation and usually unrelated to any actual problems the family might have. 

In this case, the state demanded the parents undergo psychological evaluations – in spite of the fact that neither has a history of mental illness. Why? Because child welfare agencies want to reframe every problem as a mental health problem, and they use the evaluations as fishing expeditions. So they are required in almost every case. 

In 2017 the Arizona Court of Appeals blasted DCS for how it handles these evaluations.

The father fought the psych eval demand, and lost. But he agreed to another irrelevant demand – that he undergo drug and alcohol testing, despite the apparent lack of any evidence of a drug and alcohol problem.  (But, of course, that very fact means this case probably will be listed as a case involving suspicions of substance abuse, thereby inflating the proportion of such cases, and fueling the hype and hysteria over drug use and child abuse.)

And, apparently, there were so many other requirements, DCS couldn’t keep track of them all.  From the Republic story:

A DCS investigator, a former police officer, took the stand. She said … [the parents] weren’t following steps to regain custody of their children. 
One of the parents attorneys asked the DCS investigator to outline specific steps the parents must follow to get their children back. The caseworker said she couldn’t remember any of them.

There are two dymanics going on here: The routine piling on of irrelevant conditions and a few extra twists of the knife as retribution for the parents talking to media. That, too, is common.

The DV diversion


Judge Green approved the removal because the mother dared to disagree with the doctor and also because of a supposed “history of domestic violence.” 

Even when there really is domestic violence, removing the children from the non-offending parent is even more traumatic for the child than removing that child in other circumstances.  One expert calls it “tantamount to pouring salt into an open wound.”   There is what should be an obvious alternative: Remove the abuser. But Arizona, even more than most states, takes an approach to these situations best summed up as “please pass the salt.” The Arizona Court of Appeals had a lot to say about this, too.

But in this case, the Republic reports that, in claiming this alleged history the example the judge cited was domestic violence only if the father were living with a wall of his house. The judge specified “an incident in which the father punched a wall.”

Sometimes even the calmest of people will do that – even high-ranking news executives such as Dean Baquet, now the Executive Editor of The New York Times.  Baquet’s blow to an office wall is well-known, but I’ll bet if he’d had young children at the time, child protective services would never have taken them away.

Thwarting extended family


When children can’t stay in their own homes  study after  study has shown that kinship foster care – placement with a relative – is better for children’s well-being and safer than what should properly be called stranger care.

With that in mind, the children’s “law guardian” – a lawyer tasked with recommending whatever s/he happens to think is best for the children – pressed the court to order that the children be placed with grandparents.  Again, from the Republic story:

The judge asked what was delaying placing three children with their grandparents. The state's attorney said the grandparents still needed a home-safety check. 
[Judge] Green asked if that check could be expedited. The state's attorney said DCS contracts with a company to conduct safety reviews and has no control over timelines but that it could take up to 30 days.

The judge didn’t buy it. She demanded the state get it done in four days – in this one highly-publicized case.  But what this tells us is that Arizona routinely worsens the emotional trauma for hundreds, perhaps thousands of children by delaying kinship care placement for up to 30 days, because it suits the convenience of DCS and its contractor.

It is a classic example of a problem Prof. Vivek Sankaran of the University of Michigan Law School wrote about last month: how the system loses sight of the fact that it is dealing with flesh-and-blood human beings, subordinating their needs to bureaucratic convenience.

That subordination of these three Arizona children’s needs continues.  As noted earlier, the judge also approved the demand for the “psych evals.”  But again, because bureaucratic convenience comes first, it takes months to get such an evaluation.  That means months before the children are returned to the parents from whom they never should have been taken in the first place.

Meanwhile, in Maricopa City…


I often point out that all the time, money and effort wasted tearing apart innocent families is, in effect, stolen from finding children in real danger.  Workers overloaded with false allegations, trivial cases and cases in which family poverty is confused with neglect have no time to investigate any case carefully – less time to, say, go to the door of a home themselves, knock politely and engage a family instead of immediately calling the cops.

That’s why the SWAT team approach (literally or figuratively) makes all children less safe. But rarely is there so stark an example as in Arizona.

Even as the police were sitting in their cars getting ready to break down the door in Chandler, less than 30 miles away, in the City of Maricopa, seven adopted children allegedly were being imprisoned and horribly abused by their adoptive mother, Machelle Hobson – for failing to perform to her satisfaction in YouTube videos.


Hobson allegedly pepper-sprayed the children, sometimes on their genitals, but not before putting on a mask to protect herself, one of the children said. 
She also locked them in a closet, which one child called "the green screen room," for days without food, water, or a bathroom, and forced them to take ice baths, in addition to a slew of other abuses the children recounted to police.

New Times reports that DCS had received nine reports alleging abuse in the home.  They rescued the children in mid-March, after the tenth allegation.  And, of course, DCS had approved the mother for adoption – seven times.  Each such approval brought with it the potential of a bounty paid by the federal government to DCS ranging from $5,000 to $12,000 – another incentive not to look too closely.  (Now that the children have been removed from the home, the state still gets to keep any bounties it may have received.)

All this helps explain why DCS was so much less interested in the children in Maricopa City than they were in the children in Chandler.  When the alleged abuse is in a foster or adoptive home the agency is, in effect, investigating itself, creating an extra incentive to see no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil and write no evil in the case file.

A victory for the anti-vaxxers


No I haven’t forgotten about the vaccines.  The toddler in the family from Chandler had not been vaccinated.  That may have made the doctor’s original concern more understandable.  But that doesn’t change the fact that no one has contradicted the parents’ account that the fever was down well before the police broke down the door.

The anti-vaccination movement is pernicious. It is a threat to the health not only to those who are not vaccinated but to children around them, as recent outbreaks of measles make clear. But – unfortunately, in my view -- Arizona has extremely liberal laws allowing parents to leave their children unvaccinated.  To the extent, if any, that this was a factor in this case, the solution is to change those laws, not break down the doors of the homes where children have not had vaccines.

Indeed, given the extent to which the anti-vaccine movement is fueled, in some quarters, by paranoia, it’s hard to imagine a greater gift to anti-vax crusaders than a video of police breaking down the door to get their hands on an unvaccinated child.  (And sure enough, The Washington Post reports, conspiracy theories are already circulating online.)

What are parents who have made the decision not to vaccinate their children likely to conclude from all this?  Will they think: Gee, I guess I’d better get my child vaccinated after all? Or will they think: I’d better just hope this fever breaks, because I can’t risk taking my child to the doctor – if I do, they might suffer lifelong trauma at the hands of those charged with protecting them?  For that matter, now even some parents who have vaccinated their children may hesitate when their child has a high fever.

So congratulations Arizona Department of Child Safety – you screwed this one up in every possible way. Worse, we now know you’re screwing up a whole lot of cases that don’t involve SWAT teams, too.